By Prof. Protus nathan uzoma-08036059832
The other factors are godfatherism, political parties’ domination and their popularity in some zones than in others or the emergence of a meritocrat from another zone, which turn is not yet due in the equity charter. Thus, godfatherism, partyism and power tussle among the multi-party system, is fundamental to the inequitable power-rotation or power-sharing, which certainly is not a constitutional matter but discretional, an internally generated political charter that measures at the same time as the State’s power-sharing and power-shift conscience for every Imolite.
The problematic involved here abound in the sectional or zonal skirmishes, political party manoeuvrings, individuals’ ambitions, the electorates’ choice, which may sway from the equity charter draw. Above all, this equity charter is not as forceful or binding as the Nigerian Constitution is, but a mere partyism’s purview of unanimous power-rotation that could be enshrined as the State ordinance than an unwritten law that roams in the people’s conscience.
Equity charter herein becomes a sort of casuistic ethics or what Aristotle called the mean relative to us, and should be yielded by every conscientious Nwa Imo, godfather, politician, supporter or electorate. For the sake of justice, I make bold to state that the Chief Udenwa’s truncated (extra 4 years) equity charter train and the Ohakim (4 more years) extension denied, should be discretely reshaped back to the ab initio charter of 4 years tenure. As such, Okigwe (Ohakim) has 4 years, Orlu (Okorocha) should compete his 4 years and give way to Owerri Zone in 2015, after which Okigwe takes up again. If this amendment or rectificatory justice is disallowed or ignored, inequity will continue to exist in the power rotation and sharing method in the State.
8. The Need for a Rotatory Governorship
Based on the above analyses of causes and outcomes of destabilizing the equity charter in the State, there is need for a mandatory rotatory governorship in Imo State, and possibly let such be passed as a bill into law. However, to realize this proposal of a rotatory governorship, certain structures have to be put to place. The three senatorial zones need to harmonize their human resources, interests (that have been individualized) as well as other factors as godfatherism, revenge, etc., and thus share them among the dominating political parties in the State, which candidatures would be worthwhile personalities that can deliver when given mandate.
Once this is done, the first step towards ensuring a rotatory governorship is set. What remains is what Rev Fr (Prof) Jude Uwalaka calls “the necessity for a new covenant for mutual existence which would be an outcome of a formal national dialogue of all ethnic nationalities”.[18] This could be conventionalized or relativtized to Imo as a State. A new charter, a new agreement or a new political covenant has to be drawn and finalized for non-distortable equitable power-sharing and shifts, with its harmonious mutuality kept aside), in a gathering like this Summit but in a wider range of invitation. In this sense, on a wider range that would include all registered political parties, elites and stakeholders of the State, all politicians across the State for a State’s political-dialogue of all the three Senatorial Zones, Federal Constituencies, Local Government Areas and Ward Leaders.
Like Jude Uwalaka that suggests a political platform that co-operates with neighbouring political units (for the Igbos to get to a rotatory presidency), this Igbo political platform demands that the component parts, groups and peoples having claims of Imoliteness will have to spell out the basic socio-economic and political structures, rights and policies necessary to establish a new Imo State that meets up with the demands or democratic inclusivism and equity in power-sharing and shifts.
While mandating this rotation, it further necessitates that the component Federal Constituencies, Local Government Areas and Wards rotate this rotation in a manner that gives belongingness to others. It further necessitates that other elective and appointive political positions be spread across the remnant component parts. This is the sense of true federalism. If this charter of equity is not ensured, in a Ward, in a Local Government, in a Federal Constituency, in a Senatorial Zone, a particular group of majority set-up or upper hand framework will perpetuate domination of power and Commongood to the detriment, nay, to the deficiency of others- To be Aristotelian in perspective.
More so, factionalism within the privileged class could be adduced as a factor for the disruption of the equity charter in the State. Okwudiba Nnoli (in his Ethnic Politics in Nigeria)[19] noted that factionalism within the privileged class (in every society, political party or association) contributes to the politicization of ethnicity, and in Imo case, of zones and class, which result to inequitable power shifts and sharing. Many political parties today were born out of factionalism amongst the privileged class. Many intrigues and manoeuvrings that resulted in the distortion of the equity charter in 2003 and 2011 were all from this privileged class. The emergence of most apex political office holders (appointive and elective) often to the shattering of already reached rotatory charters, were from the privileged class.
A recent and perfect example of this claim is the emergence of Chief Ikedi Ohakim in 2007 as the Imo State Governor. Fresh in our memories are the PDP clashes of the Titans, which resulted to Senator Ifeanyi Ararume bearing the ticket and Engr Charles Ugwu holding the flag; none of whom finally made. This crisis during the last moment of Chief Udenwa’ regime was at the root of factionalism in the ruling party in Imo State then: Agenda and Onongaono, then the emergence of ACN (especially the Alliance for Good Governance facet) as a strong political party in the State after PDP and APGA, and later PPA ascended to the stool of leadership in the State because of the clash, and without any of the three strongest political parties making it. These clashes of the Titans and factions amongst the privileged class in PDP, not only generated ACN’s emergence but made Imo then a none PDP-led State; echoes of which still linger today.
In this regime of Chief Rochas Okorocha, APGA has also entered into deep factions within the privileged class and certain clashes of the Titans are at the neck of dragging the party’s political swiftly mobile feat to the mire. But one common feature in the depth of power possession, power sifts and sharing in the State, is the very idea of the always distorted equity charter. Each time the ruling party is in power, it always tries to envision the equity charter, believing continuity of their political party in the steering of the State affairs, and by the time inter-party clashes or inter-senatorial zones rivalry occur among the privileged class, or even when a strong godfather-monster rises in furry and determination to achieve a private end, the party not only looses the State’s headship but destroys the equity charter already formed and Imo goes back to zero status again.
Thus, for 14 years of Democracy (1999-2013), Imo State has been ruled by PDP (1999-2007), PPA (2007-2009), PDP (2009-2011), APGA (2011-2013+), etc. In each distortion, the equity charter suffers, mostly as it was a PDP’s envisioned model of ruling and interchanging the baton of leadership from one senatorial zone to the other in Imo State and Nigeria till 2050. In this decision, the PDP-led Government of Chief Udenwa justifiably turned the charter of 4 years rotation (in the spirit of 2nd tenure that reigned in his time) to 8 years before it became Okigwe’s turn and which he ensured. Yet, the Orlu zone that distorted this charter in 2003 and 2011, can still correct it by either giving the turn to an Owerri zone and then it becomes Okigwe 4 years, Orlu 4 years and Owerri 4 years or allowing an Okigwe man to complete their 4 remaining years, then Owerri zone takes over for 8 years.
9. Choosing Right Leaders
According to Jude Uwalaka, “many times we propel upstarts and men of questionable character to leadership positions whose qualification is simply because they have made quick money somewhere and by whatever means”.[20] This calibre of men distorts the equity charter. When for instance, it is Owerri zone’s turn to produce the Governor and in Mbaitoli LGA, there is a politician of extra-ordinary quality who is a member of one of the prominent political parties, and for reasons of sentiments and politicized clanism, he is dropped while another man from Mbaise, Ngor Okpala or Owerri replaces him, the latter of lesser quality and perhaps of a questionable character that poses disaffection from the masses-electorate. How would PDP, APGA or ACN, etc, (notwithstanding the party in power) think and believe that the equity charter would stand, if the opposition party brings up a worthwhile gubernatorial candidate from a senatorial zone which turn it is not yet?
It is of reasons similar to these that made Alexander Crummel envision the rightful type of leaders who should be projected as flag and ticket bearers in elective positions in the State. For the zoning pact or equity charter to survive and besides the necessities adduced as conditio sine qua non, the zone which turn it is and the political parties in it and in the State as a whole, should front “men of force and energy; men who will not suffer themselves to be out-rivalled in enterprise and rigour, men who are prepared for pains and want, and suffering; men of invincible courage that the spirit cannot be tamed by transient failures, incidental misadventure, or even glaring miscalculations; men who can exaggerate the feeblest resources into potent agencies and fruitful capital.
Moreover, these men are to have strong moral proclivities, equal to the deep penetration and the unyielding tenacity of their minds. No greater curse could be entailed… than the sudden appearance… of a mighty host of heartless buccaneers…filled with feverish greed. With hearts alien, from moral good and human well being….”[21]
Politics is a game of numbers, of intrigues, of manipulations and manoeuvrings, of outfoxing the other by surprises. It is highly unstable, with no permanent friend, no permanent enemy but with constant interests, ambitions to be, to have, to posses, to dominate and dominion over others. “It is a game of wits, of strategy and counter strategy. This means that a lot of secrecy is of the essence for success”.[22]
10. CHALLENGES FACING OUR LEADERS
In the words of Napoleon Hill, “A “successful” politician is one who is long on promises, but short on keeping them”. In the world all over, humanity is faced with challenges of various kinds. In Nigeria, there are more than the eyes can see. In Imo State, challenges speak volumes which informs why so many politicians are “long on promises but short on keeping them”.
A sage was asked by his student, “what greatest thing can I give to the world?” “Love” replied the sage. The student continued, “What greatest thing can the world give me?” “Love” the sage replied. In amazement the student asked, “What greatest thing can I deny the world?” “Love” replied the sage. In equanimity the young student finally asked the sage, “What greatest thing can the world deny me?” “Love” the sage concluded. The young student jumped up and affirmed, “I believe in God, I believe in love”.
One of the major challenges facing our leaders is on how to apply the principles of love in leadership. We have so many political leaders that are full of selfishness. According to St. Jerome, “True love possesses great power, he who is perfectly loved binds entirely to himself the will of the lover. Nothing is more commanding than love”. For Mother Teresa of Calcutta, “Do not go to a place where there is no love even if the clouds there rain gold”.
I will not fail to note the mistake of both the old and the young. The old are lost in brooding over the past which they normally call ‘good old days’. The young on the other hand, are concerned about planning their future. Both old and young have refused to realize that the present is both the product of the past and the seed for the future. According to Professor Philip Ogbonna, “If the present is properly taken care of, the future will be good of its own accord”.
The youths as we know are good but need direction. Those who direct seem to have lost their own direction. Bad leadership is responsible. It is bad leadership that is responsible for the injustices, falsehood and disorder in which we are caught up today. The teachers have strayed from the path of truth. The educational system is defective. The educated are without character, according to Ghandi, “An educated person without character is not only useless but positively dangerous to society”. This need not to be argued, rather, presents food for thought especially if we examine the trend of our society.
The government as is evident is composed of those who are out to loot the treasury of the state. The politicians are greedy with the result that we now have politics without principles and politicians without any code of conduct. The ruling class is insensitive, oppressive, and insincere. The main cause is ignorance resulting to their spiritual directionless and blindness to the proper human values. A situation that made Emmanuel O. Franklyne to lament thus, “This place {not Imo} has matriculated into the best place to be a criminal in Africa. Criminals rule as governors. Ex-convicts are in various positions of integrity and authority. Certified crooks are in the legislatures and judiciary sowing seed of malevolence everywhere. In Nigeria, thieves are given places and titles of honour both in the churches, mosque and in the society”.
Relating the above to Imo State, the evidence speaks volume. The question is, will the leaders of today not answer for this before humanity and posterity? I feel for the young people because their future seems to be bleak. But God forbid! The old we see lament for the good old days, what shall the youths of today be proud of? This is a serious question which words alone and the watery slogan of “my people, my people” cannot solve. For words to achieve their goals, they must be matched with action. That is the real meaning of the igbo saying, “Ana ekwu ekwu, ana eme eme” meaning, “matching our words with action”.
We certainly need men and women who are versed in rhetorics, but of what use are rhetorics that cannot be translated into action and be concretised? Some of our old politicians like Dr. K.O. Mbadiwe had a dream like Martin Luther king of United States of America; while Dr. Mbadiwe used words to move crowds he consequently received accolades and after word the show ended with vibrating words which thereafter became property for Museums. The difference between the dream of Dr. Mbadiwe and Martin Luther lies in words and action. While Dr. Martin Luther King’s dreams have become realities and others are still in making, hardly has any of Mbadiwe’s dreams seen the light of the day. His wonderful dreams of eradicating poverty in Nigeria, free education for the children of the poor to mention a few all became a mirage. Great challenge waits whoever shall emerge the governor of Imo State in 2015 owing to our present situation.
11. Conclusion
Power in Imo State has got a different conception, far-fetched from what the founding fathers had in mind. Political elitism, godfatherism and clannish or ethnic centeredness have flawed the equity charter in the State. Prof Chinua Achebe saw this attitude as a seminal absence of intellectual rigour in the political thought of our founding fathers- a tendency to pious materialistic wooliness and self-centred pedestrianism.[23] The Imo charter of equity will have to reckon with consistency in pacts and fairness, with the Igbo notion of Onye tabiri, onyetu nwanne ya. For the equity charter to be realistic, constant and vital in Imo State, it has to live as a vital conscious element in the minds of every Imolite.
General Ibrahim Babangida during a public lecture 23 years ago titled “Nigeria as I See It” took a thorough swipe at the materialistic and greedy tendencies of the Nigerian elites, which certainly is the root of the innumerable Imolite and Nigerian woes. The worst features in the attitude of the Nigerian elites since Independence have been factionalism, godfatherism, disruptive competitions, extreme greed and selfishness, indolence and abandonment of the pursuit of excellence.[24]
This mentality and political attitude must stop for fairness to thrive in Imo State. The Imo charter of equity should be based on the Igbo perspective of fairness- E mee onye ka e mere ibe ya,… which is the Golden Rule as was expressed by Christ thus, “As you would that men should do to, do you also to them likewise” John 6:31. It is therefore my submission that any custom, philosophy or ideology which lacks justice and equity should be rejected as having no lesion to teach humanity. To this effect, anything which is opposed to, or at conflict with the principles of equity, the Golden Rule and human rights, is condemnable.
The equity charter is an internally agreed morality that Imolites unanimously imposed on themselves. It is never constitutional. Yet Igbos everywhere have varied forms of internally imposed morality (like Nso Ala) that governs all and is respected by all. Since the history of the democratic Imo, this equity charter has been thwarted twice. The recent distortion that denies Okigwe Zone their turn favoured Okorocha but was caused by the Owerri Zone whose turn 2015 supposed to be. Owerri Zone gave Rochas the bulk vote that destabilised the equity charter. Owerri sold out truly that time. But without sin there is no forgiveness. Thus, justice has to be followed. Let us forgive the Owerri Zone and turn the power-turn to it, come 2015, after which Okigwe takes over in 2019, etc.
This is a passionate appeal as power is taken and not given. A deviation from this may create more problems for us in the future. If my appeal and admonition is not heeded, i wash my hands, like Pontius Pilate, off its consequences, so that on the day of reckoning, you will be honest with yourself, and bear witness that I told you so in the year of our Lord two thousand and thirteen.
Thank you all and may the peace and blessings of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you all Amen.
By Prof. Nathan Protus Uzorma- The Reformer
AGDSN-University of Uyo
REFERENCES
[1] All Hands on Deck- Maiden broadcast by the Military Governor of Imo State, Lt. Commander Godwin Ndubisi Kanu: Ministry of Education and Information, Aba, 1976.
[2] AJN Nzeribe, Emergent States in Nigeria: The Challenges of Development. The Imo Experience: 1976-1986), Owerri: JOEWAM Publishers, 1992, p.26.
[3] AJN Nzeribe, Emergent States in Nigeria, p.18.
[4] Chimaroke Nnamani, “Godfather Phenomenon in Nigerian Democracy”, in Newswatch Magazine, p.64.
[5] Louis Nkemdilim, The Vision of Anambra Revival Moc9vement (ARM). Awka: Fab Anieh, 2012, p.3.
[6] R.A. Joseph, Democracy and Prebendal Politics in Nigeria: The Rise and Fall of the Second Republic. Cambridge: The University Press, 1987.
[7] John O Odey, Democracy: Our Lofty Dreams and Crazy Ambitions. Enugu: Snaap Press, 2002, pp. 70-71.
[8] John O Odey, Democracy: Our Lofty Dreams and Crazy Ambitions, pp. 116-119.
[9] Ira Katznelson and Mark Kesselman, The Politics of Power. (2nd ed). New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1975 (1979).
[10] Anthony James Catanese, Planners and Local Politics. London: Sage, 1974, p.106.
[11] Olufemi Taiwo, Africa Must Be Modern. The Modern Imperative in Contemporary Africa: A manifesto. Ibadan: Bookcraft, 2011, p. 160.
[12] Olufemi Taiwo, Africa Must Be Modern, p.161.
[13] Olufemi Taiwo, Africa Must Be Modern, pp. 164-169.
[14] The Ethics of Aristotle (The Nicomachean Ethics, Trans. by J.A.K. Thomson). London: Penguin Books, 1953 (1976), Book 5, 1131b14-1132b3-27.
[15] Ibid, 1131a.
[16] okwudiba Nnoli, Ethnic Politics in Nigeria. Enugu: Fourth Dimension, 1978.
[17] Wole Soyinka, The Man Died. Prison Notes of Wole Soyinka. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1978.
[18] Jude Uwalaka, The Struggle for an Inclusive Nigeria. Igbos to Be or Not to Be? A treatise on Igbo Political Personality and Survival in Nigeria- To Nwaigbo. Enugu: SNAAP Press, 2003, p.184.
[19] Okwudiba Nnoli, Ethnic Politics in Nigeria, pp. 140-175.
[20] Jude Uwalaka, The Struggle for an Inclusive Nigeria. Igbos to Be or Not to Be?, p.87.
[21] Alexander Crummel, “The Elections and Duties of Free Coloured Men in America to Africa”, I Am Because we Are; Reading in Black Philosophy (ed. By Fred Lee Ford and Jonathan Scott Lee), Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1995, p.224.
[22] Jude Uwalaka, The Struggle for an Inclusive Nigeria, p. 86.
[23] Chinua Achebe, The Trouble with Nigeria. Enugu: Fourth Dimension, 1985, p.12.
[24] Newswatch Magazine, April 10, 1980, p.16.
A Paper Presented at the Imo Political Summit organized by Imo Stakeholders Forum
July 12, 2013
Presenter: Prof. Nathan Protus Uzorma (The Reformer)
